In the aftermath of World War I, Europe became fertile ground for political upheaval. Liberal democracies, newly established or weakened by war, appeared fragile and ineffectual in the face of mass unemployment, inflation, and rising political extremism. As noted by Gopal Balakrishnan, the inter-war Right emerged as a response to this crisis, drawing on a mix of traditionalism, nationalism, and authoritarian thought. From monarchist circles in France to fascist movements in Italy and Spain, right-wing thinkers and movements rejected the values of the Enlightenment, instead turning to hierarchy, cultural unity, and spiritual renewal.
Intellectuals like Carl Schmitt, Oswald Spengler, and Giovanni Gentile provided philosophical justifications for authoritarian governance, influencing regimes that would reshape European politics. These ideas did not remain academic; they became embedded in state ideologies, educational systems, and legal frameworks. While scholars continue to debate the nuances and classifications of these movements, the legacy of the inter-war Right remains integral to understanding the political currents of the twentieth century.
Europe After World War I
The end of World War I left Europe fractured and disoriented. Empires such as the Austro-Hungarian, Ottoman, and Russian collapsed, giving rise to fragile new states with uncertain borders and contested identities. Across the continent, mass unemployment, food shortages, and inflation eroded public trust in existing institutions.
Amid this chaotic scene, liberal democracy struggled to gain a foothold. Many citizens viewed parliamentary systems as weak or corrupt, especially in countries like Weimar Germany and postwar Italy, where political violence and rapid government turnover became common. The Russian Revolution of 1917 had also energized leftist movements, creating a climate of ideological polarization. The fear of Bolshevism loomed large, pushing many to seek alternatives that promised order and national unity.
With widespread disillusionment, a growing segment of the population turned toward nationalist and authoritarian alternatives. In places like Hungary and Spain, conservative elites and military leaders sought to restore stability through centralized power, often appealing to tradition, religion, and national pride over democratic norms. These shifts would soon pave the way for the rise of regimes that saw liberalism as a symptom of decline.
Shaping the Right: Ideas and Variants
The European Right during the inter-war years was far from a unified movement. It encompassed a spectrum of ideologies, from traditional monarchism and Catholic integralism to more radical forms like fascism and authoritarian nationalism. What bound these strands together was a shared rejection of liberal democracy, a deep suspicion of socialism, and an emphasis on hierarchy, order, and national unity.
In countries like Italy and Germany, right-wing movements tapped into widespread fears of social breakdown and communist revolution. Fascism, in particular, offered a dynamic alternative that promised to restore national greatness through discipline, strength, and collective identity. Leaders like Mussolini positioned themselves as defenders of civilization against the chaos of modernity, drawing support from veterans, industrialists, and disillusioned youth alike. Political rallies, uniforms, and symbols became tools for galvanizing mass loyalty and projecting strength.
While some right-wing currents retained loyalty to pre-war institutions such as the monarchy or the church, others looked to forge entirely new political orders. The ideological landscape was fluid, shaped by nostalgia and revolutionary ambition, often blurring the lines between conservatism and radicalism.
Philosophical and Cultural Foundations
Much of the foundation of the inter-war Right was rooted in a critique of Enlightenment rationalism and the liberal values it inspired. Thinkers such as Joseph de Maistre and Charles Maurras championed a vision of society grounded in authority, tradition, and faith, portraying reason and individual liberty as corrosive forces that undermined spiritual and social cohesion. This critique extended beyond politics into art, education, and moral philosophy.
Oswald Spengler’s The Decline of the West captured the mood of cultural pessimism that permeated postwar Europe. In his cyclical view of history, modern Western civilization had entered a phase of irreversible decay, and only a strong, spiritually guided elite could halt the collapse. His work resonated with many who believed that liberalism and materialism had drained European culture of its vitality. Spengler’s influence extended across national borders, inspiring both admiration and controversy among intellectuals and politicians alike.
These ideas were not confined to the ivory tower. They filtered into the political mainstream, shaping the rhetoric of movements that sought to replace parliamentary governance with authoritarian leadership. Religion, myth, and national destiny became central motifs, offering a sense of purpose and unity in an age marked by fragmentation and doubt. Cultural narratives drawn from history and legend were used to legitimize new political orders.
Major Thinkers and Ideological Movements
Carl Schmitt, a German legal theorist, argued that sovereignty resided in the power to decide during states of exception—a concept that deeply influenced authoritarian legal theory. His critique of liberalism’s indecisiveness made him a central figure for those seeking a more decisive, unified state. He regarded parliamentary compromise as a sign of political weakness, incapable of confronting existential threats.
Meanwhile, Oswald Spengler’s vision of civilizational decline reinforced the belief that Western democracy had exhausted its creative energy and was ripe for replacement. In Italy, Giovanni Gentile played a pivotal role in formulating the philosophical underpinnings of fascism. His idea of “actual idealism” emphasized the fusion of individual and state, shaping Mussolini’s vision of a corporatist society. Gentile’s theories were not merely academic—they were systematized into national education policy and civic life.
Across the Pyrenees, José Antonio Primo de Rivera articulated a Spanish variant of fascism that sought to restore national unity through spiritual renewal and the rejection of liberalism and Marxism. The French right found its anchor in Action Française, a royalist movement led by Charles Maurras. He promoted an organic view of society rooted in Catholic tradition, monarchy, and anti-Semitism, which he saw as essential to national regeneration. Likewise, in Austria, Othmar Spann argued for a hierarchical, corporatist order that rejected the atomism of liberal individualism in favor of a spiritually unified state.
Ongoing Debates and Historical Assessment
Scholars remain divided over how to classify the ideologies of the inter-war Right. Some draw sharp distinctions between traditional conservatism and fascism, while others highlight their overlapping commitments to hierarchy, nationalism, and anti-liberalism. The challenge lies in tracing where the defense of order ends and support for repression begins. Additionally, the fluidity of terms like “authoritarian” and “reactionary” complicates modern interpretations.
Contemporary historians continue to reassess these figures and movements, weighing their contributions against the political violence they often enabled. While some argue for a nuanced understanding of their thought, others caution against abstracting ideas from their real-world consequences. The legacy of these individuals remains contentious, shaped as much by what they wrote as by how their ideas were used.